
THE NEW WORLD (DIS)ORDER 

"The first truth is that the liberty of a democracy is not safe if the
people tolerate the growth of private power to a point where it becomes
stronger than their democratic state itself. That, in essence, is
fascism - ownership of government by an individual, by a group, or by
any other controlling power. 

"Among us today a concentration of private power without equal in
history is growing." - President Franklin Delano Roosevelt (1) 

As mentioned earlier, the secret U.S./Nazi corporate alliance during
World War II was the result of substantial American investment in
post-World War I Germany. In order to protect these investments, and the
accumulating profits, the U.S. multinational corporations remained an
important part of the Nazi war machine until the final defeat of Germany
in 1945. What effect did the end of World War II have on this faction of
American Nazi collaborators? 

In this section we will review the evidence, much of it from recently
de-classified documents, that this pro-Nazi faction, rather than facing
charges of high treason, became an integral part of the United States
national security apparatus, extending its fascist influence in both
foreign and domestic policies and, in effect, creating what has been
referred to as America's "Invisible Government." The excuse, of course,
was Communism. 


THE BUGGING OF WALL STREET 

Aarons and Loftus' research, which documents the Dulles brothers'
pro-Nazi activities, did not go unnoticed. "Before his death, former
Supreme Court Justice Arthur Goldberg granted one of the authors an
interview. Justice Goldberg had served in U.S. intelligence during World
War II. Although he said little in public, he had collected information
on the Dulles boys' activities over the years. His verdict was blunt.
'The Dulles brothers were traitors.' They had betrayed their country, by
giving aid and comfort to the enemy in time of war." (2) 

Much of what is now known about the activities of the Dulles brothers
and other American Nazi collaborators in banking and industry came as a
result of a top-secret joint U.S.-British intelligence program known as
the Ultra Project. "Prior to the United States' entry into the war,"
write Loftus and Aarons, "Roosevelt permitted British intelligence to
wiretap American targets.

     "According to our sources in the intelligence community, the area
     of coverage included a good bit of the New York financial district,
     several floors of Rockefeller Plaza, part of the RCA Building, two
     prominent clubs, and various shipping firms.  .  .  .
     
     "The wiretap unit reported to Sir William Stephenson, a Canadian
     electronics genius better known by his code name, 'Intrepid.'  From
     his headquarters in the Rockefeller building, Stephenson's job was
     to identify U.S. companies that were aiding the Nazis."  (3)
     
     "Several months before the United States declared war," continue
     Loftus and Aarons, "Bill Donovan invited Allen Dulles to head up
     the New York branch of the Office of the Coordinator of Information
     (COI), President Roosevelt's new intelligence agency and the
     precursor to the Office of Strategic Services (OSS).  Its primary
     mission was to collect information against the Nazis and their
     collaborators.  In other words, Dulles was asked to inform on his
     own clients in New York.  .  .  ."

     "Roosevelt had approved his selection as head of the COI Manhattan
     branch because he wanted Dulles where the British wiretappers could
     keep an eye on him.  .  .  .
     
     "One floor below Dulles was Stephenson's wiretap shop.  Inside
     Dulles's operation was one of Roosevelt's spies, Arthur Goldberg .
     .  ."  who, "confirmed .  .  .  that Dulles's appointment was a
     setup.  .  .  .
     
     "Roosevelt was giving Dulles enough rope to hang himself.  From
     Stephenson's Manhattan wiretaps, it is known that Dulles was
     continuing to work with his German business clients, who wanted to
     remove Hitler and install a puppet of their own who would make
     peace with the West while forging an alliance against Stalin.  It
     was to be a kinder, gentler Third Reich, favorably disposed to
     American financial interests.  .  .  .  (4)
     
     "The wiretap evidence against Dulles originally was collected by a
     special section of Operation Safehaven, the U.S. Treasury
     Department's effort to trace the movement of stolen Nazi booty
     towards the end of the war.  Roosevelt and Treasury Secretary Henry
     Morganthau had set up Dulles by giving him the one assignment -
     intelligence chief in Switzerland - where he would be most tempted
     to aid his German clients with their money laundering."

Roosevelt had one thing in mind: "The sudden release of the Safehaven
intercepts would force a public outcry to bring treason charges against
those British and American businessmen who aided the enemy in time of
war." Among the targets were Allen Dulles, Henry Ford, and other U.S.
industrialists. (5) 

The plan failed, however, due to Dulles being "tipped off . . . that he
was under surveillance" in time to cover his tracks. One possible source
of the leak was Vice President Henry Wallace, "who constantly shared
information with his brother-in-law, the Swiss minister in Washington
during the war." 

"Wallace," the authors reveal, "gave many details of his secret meetings
with Roosevelt to the Swiss diplomat." The problem was that, at the
time, the Nazis "had recruited the head of the Swiss secret service." 

It is, perhaps, no coincidence that Roosevelt dropped Wallace during the
1944 election, choosing instead Senator Harry S. Truman as his new
running mate. (6) 

THE ENEMY OF MY ENEMY

     "After the Nazis' 1943 defeat at Stalingrad," write Loftus and
     Aarons, "various Nazi businessmen realized they were on the losing
     side and made plans to evacuate their wealth.  The Peron government
     in Argentina was receiving the Nazi flight capital with open arms,
     and Dulles helped it hide the money.  .  .  .
     
     "The Guinness Book of Records lists the missing Reichsbank treasure
     [estimated at $2.5 billion dollars] as the greatest unsolved bank
     robbery in history.  Where did it go?  .  .  .  .
     
     "According to our source, the bulk of the treasure was simply
     shipped a very short distance across Austria and through the
     Brenner Pass into Italy.  Dulles's contacts were waiting at the
     Vatican.  The German-Vatican connection was how Allen Dulles and
     the Nazi industrialists planned to get away with it.  .  .  ."  (7)

The effort was successful, according to the authors, who state that the
"vast bulk of the wealth of the Nazi empire" which "disappeared before
the end of World War II" reappeared "within a decade in the hands of the
same men who financed Hitler's war against the Jews. Allen Dulles's
clients were not defeated, only inconvenienced." The authors identify
two of Dulles's accomplices as James Jesus Angleton and his father, Hugh
Angleton. The Angletons were members of X-2, the OSS counterintelligence
branch in Italy, in 1943. 

Like Dulles, Hugh Angleton was financially involved with Axis powers. He
was the European representative for National Cash Register in Italy
before the war and business associate of Dulles. When World War II broke
out, the authors write, 


     ".  .  .  Angleton was crushed financially as all his investments
     were in enemy hands.
     
     "Like Dulles's clients, he wanted his money back.  Like Dulles,
     Hugh offered his services to the OSS."  With high-placed contacts
     in Mussolini's Interior Ministry, Hugh was accepted and "promoted
     rapidly in U.S. intelligence.  He became second in command to
     Colonel Clifton Carter, the OSS commander in Italy at the end of
     World War II."  (8)

Perhaps the most controversial information which is now emerging with
the release of recently declassified documents concerning World War II,
is the role of the Vatican, both in its pre-war German investments, and
its role in helping Nazi war criminals escape justice after the war.
Concerning the Vatican-German investments, Loftus and Aarons are quite
clear:

     "That the Vatican encouraged such investments and even donated
     money to Hitler himself cannot be denied.  A German nun, Sister
     Pascalina, was present at its creation.  In the early 1920s she was
     the housekeeper for Archbishop of the Vatican-Nazi connection .  .
     .  Eugenio Pacelli, then the papal nuncio in Munich.  Sister
     Pascalina vividly recalls receiving Adolf Hitler late one night and
     watching the archbishop give Hitler a large amount of Church
     money."

In addition, Eugenio Pacelli 

     "later convinced the Vatican to invest millions of dollars in the
     rising German economy, money from the Vatican's land settlement
     that ended the Pope's claim of sovereignty over territory outside
     the walls of Vatican City.  It was Pacelli who negotiated the
     Concordat with Germany and then had to deal with the consequences
     of his own mistakes when he became pope on the eve of World War II.
     
     "The Vatican and the Dulles brothers had the same problem.  Once
     their money was in Hitler's hands, how would they get it back?"

The authors interviewed "a former colonel in U.S. Military Intelligence
who specialized in tracing enemy assets. He claimed that only a tiny
portion of the Reichbank's gold ingots actually reached the Vatican
Bank, while the rest was held in cooperative banks in Belgium,
Liechtenstein, and especially Switzerland." It was only necessary to
transfer the paperwork on the gold, not the gold itself. Since, by that
time, Dulles knew his telegraph communications were being monitored by
the British wiretap operation in New York, he instead used couriers to
"ensure absolute secrecy in moving the foreign currency and the
ownership documents out of Switzerland . . . special agents of the
Vatican who had diplomatic immunity to move back and forth across both
Nazi and Allied lines. . . ." (9)

     ".  .  .  .  The Vatican's eminence grise for Balkan intelligence,
     the Bosnian-Croat priest Krunoslav Draganovic, was involved in
     transporting large quantities of Nazi booty, especially gold
     bullion, from Austria to the safety of the Holy See with the help
     of the Dulles-Angleton clique in Rome.  Some of the booty was
     transported in truck convoys run by British troops.  Other
     shipments were carried in U.S. Army jeeps provided to Father
     Draganovic so that he could conduct pastoral visits' on behalf of
     the Vatican.
     
     "Another ardent Nazi propagandist and agent, Slovenian bishop
     Gregory Rozman, was sent to Bern with the help of Dulles's friends
     in U.S. intelligence.  Declassified U.S. intelligence files confirm
     that Bishop Rozman was suspected of trying to arrange the transfer
     of huge quantities of Nazi-controlled gold and Western currency
     that had been discreetly secreted in Swiss banks during the war.
     For a few months the Allies prevented Rozman from gaining access to
     this treasure, but then the way was mysteriously cleared.  In fact,
     the Dulles-Vatican connection had fixed it, and before too long the
     bishop obtained the loot for his Nazi friends, who were hiding in
     Argentina.
     
     "Such instances turned out to be only the tip of the iceberg.  It
     has long been acknowledged that it was Allen Dulles who tipped off
     General Patton about the buried German treasure that lay in the
     path of the U.S. Third Army.  Patton explicitly urged General
     Eisenhower to conceal as much of the gold as possible, but his
     advice was refused.
     
     "Our sources claim that Dulles and his colleagues exerted a great
     deal of influence to ensure that Western investments in Nazi
     Germany were not seized by the Allies as reparations for the Jews.
     After all, much of 'Hitler's Gold' had originally belonged to the
     bankers in London and New York.  The .  .  .  captured Nazi loot
     went underground.  .  .  .
     
     "In the cause of anticommunism, and to retrieve its own investments
     in Germany, the Vatican agreed to become part of Dulles's smuggling
     window, through which the Nazis and their treasure could be moved
     to safety."  (10)

On April 12th, 1945, Roosevelt died, and Truman became President. May
7th, Nazi Germany surrendered after the suicide of Adolf Hitler.
September 2nd, Japan surrendered. 

World War II finally ended, but at the cost of more than 35,000,000
lives, over half that amount civilians. The death toll for the United
States was 294,000. (11) 


A PLEDGE BETRAYED

     "Dulles and some of his friends volunteered for postwar service
     with the government not out of patriotism but of necessity,"
     according to Loftus and Aarons.  "They had to be in positions of
     power to suppress the evidence of their own dealings with the
     Nazis.  The Safehaven investigation was quickly stripped from
     Treasury .  .  .  and turned over to the State Department.  There
     Dulles's friends shredded the index to the interlocking
     corporations and blocked further investigations.
     
     "Dulles had this goal in mind: Not a single American businessman
     was ever going to be convicted of treason for helping the Nazis.
     None ever was, despite the evidence.  According to one of our
     sources in the intelligence community, the U.S. Army Counter
     Intelligence Corps had two large 'Civilian Internment Centers' in
     Occupied Germany, code named 'Ashcan' and 'Dustbin.'  The CIC had
     identified and captured a large number of U.S. citizens who had
     stayed in Germany and aided the Third Reich all through World War
     II.  The evidence of their treason was overwhelming.  The captured
     German records were horribly incriminating.
     
     "Yet Victor Wohreheide, the young Justice Department attorney
     responsible for preparing the treason trials, suddenly ordered the
     prisoners' release.  All of the Nazi collaborators were allowed to
     return to the United States and reclaim their citizenship.  At the
     same time, another Justice Department attorney, O.  John Rogge, who
     dared to make a speech about Nazi collaborators in the United
     States was quickly fired.  However, the attorney who buried the
     treason cases was later promoted to special assistant attorney
     general.
     
     "Dulles and his clients had won.  The proof is in the bottom line.
     Forty years after World War II, Fortune magazine published a list
     of the hundred richest men in the world.  There were no Jews on the
     list.  The great fortunes of the Rothschilds and Warburgs had been
     diminished to insignificance by the Depression, the Nazis, and
     World War II.
     
     "Near the top of the list were several multibillionaires who had
     been prominent members of Hitler's inner circle.  A few even had
     served time in Allied prisons as Nazi war criminals, but they were
     all released quickly.  The bottom line is that the Nazi businessmen
     survived the war with their fortunes intact and rebuilt their
     industrial empires to become the richest men in the world.
     Dulles's clients got away with it.  President Roosevelt's dream of
     putting the Nazis' moneymen on trial died with him."

England also failed to see justice done, according to the authors: "The
British authorities in Germany ordered the U.S. Army to release all of
the VIP British Nazis and hand over the evidence against them. Even
before Roosevelt's death, Churchill had already begun to withdraw from
his commitment to prosecute Nazis." The reason?" Too many British
industries might be seized as Nazi fronts. Too many upper-class
collaborators might have to be prosecuted. The Germans were defeated,
and the Soviets were now the enemy.

     "Funding for British war crimes investigations suddenly dried up.
     Nazi bankers such as Herman Abs were released from prison to work
     as economic advisers in the British zone of Germany.  The history
     of British 'efforts' to punish Nazis after the war is aptly
     summarized in Tom Bower's book, 'The Pledge betrayed'.  .  .  .
     
     "The pattern was repeated all over the remnants of the Third Reich.
     Despite direct orders from President Truman and General Eisenhower,
     I.G. Farben, the citadel of the Nazi industrialists, was never
     dismantled.  Dulles's clients demanded, and received, Allied
     compensation for bomb damage to their factories in Germany.  Only a
     few of the top Nazis were executed.  Most of the rest were released
     from prison within a few years.  Others, .  .  .  would go
     virtually unpunished.  No one ever investigated the Nazi
     sympathizers in Western intelligence who had made it all possible."
     (12)

As we have seen, the American industrialists who did business with the
Nazis were in no way inconvenienced by war crimes trials, and even
received compensation for damages to their Nazi war plants. Some Nazi
industrialists were charged and convicted by the Nuremberg war crimes
trials but, in their book, "The American Establishment," authors Leonard
and Mark Silk observe that in the late 1940s "the United States and its
leaders faced an agonizing moral problem in coming to terms with those
German industrialists who had willingly done business with the Nazis and
who were now just as willing to do business with the Americans in the
reconstruction of Germany. The problem was dramatized when those German
industrialists who had been convicted of war crimes at Nuremberg were
all released from Landsberg prison in early 1951, their sentences
commuted by the American High Commissioner [of German Occupation], John
J. McCloy. 

". . . . Whatever the motivation," the authors continue, "the blanket
release of the convicted industrialists was taken within Germany - and
by them - as a sign that businessmen were not to be seriously blamed for
their involvement in matters for which others were hanged or suffered
long imprisonment." (13) 

The motivation for the mass release of imprisoned Nazi war criminals is
described in the book, "The New Germany and the Old Nazis," by T.H.
Tetens, an expert in German affairs. 

Tetens observes that in "1950, when Washington showed its eagerness to
create a new German army of 500,000 men, the SS [at that time
reorganized into a neo-Nazi front group called HIAG, which stands for
'mutual assistance,' a so-called veterans organization], together with
the old Wehrmacht officers, started an all-out campaign for the
immediate release of all war criminals. It was a superbly organized
blackmail action, enjoying wide support from the public, from all
parties, and carried toward success by Dr. Adenauer's astute
maneuverings. 

"The Chancellor suggested an inconspicuous way to solve the problem with
'parole,' 'sick leave,' and other roundabout methods. The more the U.S.
High Commission in Germany showed leniency, however, the stronger the
pressure became: either 'all so-called war criminals are released or
there will be no German army.' American diplomats followed Dr.
Adenauer's plan to feed the nationalistic monster piecemeal. Every few
days we quietly released one or two more from prison - the Krupps, the
I.G. Farben directors, and dozens of former Wehrmacht Generals. On
friendly advice from Washington, the British and the French, extremely
reluctant, had to follow suit. When the supply dried up, there remained
behind bars only the SS, the mass murderers from Dachau, Belsen, and
Buchenwald, and the toughs from the Waffen SS who had massacred
American, British, and Canadian prisoners of war. This put High
Commissioner John McCloy in a most embarrassing position. . . ." 

Tetens explains how Chancellor Adenauer helped High Commissioner McCloy
and the U.S. State Department avoid this embarrassment: Adenauer
"suggested the formation of a review board, with three German members
sitting in and having equal voice in making recommendations. The whole
procedure was to be shrouded in secrecy, and it was decided that the
names of those released should not be revealed to the public. In this
way the last few hundred 'poor devils,' those SS mass killers and
sadists, were quietly set free within two or three years." (14) 

Christopher Simpson, in his extensively documented book on the subject
of U.S. recruitment of Nazis, "Blowback," goes into more detail of the
backgrounds of those released: 

"The beneficiaries of this act included, for example, all of the
convicted concentration camp doctors; all of the top judges who had
administered the Nazis' 'special courts'" and dozens of similar cases.
In addition, "McCloy's clemency decisions for the Landsberg inmates set
in motion a much broader process that eventually freed hundreds of other
convicted Nazi war criminals over the next five years. . . . By the
winter of 1950-1951 the most senior levels of the U.S. government had
decided to abrogate their wartime pledge to bring Nazi war criminals to
justice. . . . in the interests of preserving West German military
support for American leadership in the cold war. While nazism and
Hitler's inner circle continued to be publicly condemned throughout the
West, the actual investigation and prosecution of specific Nazi crimes
came to a standstill." (15) 

One case merits special attention: Sepp Dietrich, "the organizer of the
Fuehrer's bodyguard. Dietrich carried out Hitler's personal murder
assignments" and, Tetens continues, "was in charge of the liquidation of
the Jewish population in the city of Kharkov. During the Battle of the
Bulge his troops committed the Malmedy massacre, killing more than 600
military and civilian prisoners, among them 115 American G.I.s. He was
sentenced to death, and the sentence was later commuted to life
imprisonment. In 1955 he was one of the last poor devils' quietly
released from prison and greeted by the Bonn government with the
homecoming pay of 6,000 marks." (16) 

In a "New York Times" article published February 1, 1951, one prominent
American expressed support for the reduction of sentences for those
responsible for the mass murder of the 600 unarmed prisoners of war at
Malmedy, describing the decision as "extremely wise." The American was
Senator Joseph McCarthy, Republican from Wisconsin. 

Tetens observes that, despite the wide-spread fear by "the French, the
British, and the smaller European countries" of a re-militarized
Germany, "the outbreak of the Korean War (June 1950) brought a total
change. The provisions which banned all military and veterans'
organizations lost all their meaning and were no longer enforced.
Western Germany was allowed by the Allies to set up its own General
Staff, camouflaged under the name Blank Office. Supported by Bonn and
tolerated by the United States, a nation-wide network was created to
reactivate the experienced officers and the man power of the old
Wehrmacht. The short period of 1950-51 must be marked as the time when
Hitler's old officers, SS leaders, and [Nazi] party functionaries
returned to power and influence." (17) 

Tetens' comment that the Nazi's return to power in Germany was
"tolerated by the United States" was a historical understatement. By the
time Tetens' book was published in 1961, hundreds of convicted Nazi war
criminals had already been smuggled out of Germany to avoid prosecution
at the war crimes trials at Nuremberg, recruited by, and on the payroll
of several U.S. government agencies, including the Army CIC, the OSS,
and the Office of Policy Coordination within the State Department. 

Over the past fifty years, it is now documented, these Americanized
fugitive Nazi war criminals have been involved in, and in many cases in
charge of, many U.S. government covert operations -- international
weapons smuggling, drug cartels, Central American death squads, right
wing anti-communist dictatorships, LSD mind control experiments -- the
Republican National Committee's Ethnic Heritage Councils, and the
Presidential campaigns of Richard Nixon, Ronald Reagan, and George Bush.

THE GEHLEN ORGANIZATION 

Probably the most influential Nazi to come to work for the United States
intelligence agencies during the Cold War was named Gehlen. 

"Reinhard Gehlen," writes author Christopher Simpson, "Hitler's most
senior military intelligence officer on the eastern front, had begun
planning his surrender to the United States at least as early as the
fall of 1944." Of "several hundred" high-ranking Nazi officers who
switched sides at the end of World War II, Gehlen "proved to be the most
important of them all. 

"In early March 1945 Gehlen and a small group of his most senior
officers carefully microfilmed the vast holdings on the USSR in the . .
. military intelligence section of the German army's general staff. They
packed the film in watertight steel drums and secretly buried it in
remote mountain meadows scattered through the Austrian Alps. Then, on
May 22, 1945, Gehlen and his top aides surrendered to an American
Counter-intelligence Corps [CIC] team." (18) 

According to Tetens: ". . . [Gehlen] immediately asked for an interview
with the commanding officer . . ." and offered the United States "his
intelligence staff, spy apparatus, and the priceless files for future
service." 

Gehlen was sent to Washington and his offer was taken. "The
Pentagon-Gehlen agreement," states Tetens, "in practice guaranteed the
continuation of the all-important Abwehr division of the German General
Staff. Hundreds of German army and SS officers were quietly released
from internment camps and joined Gehlen's headquarters in the Spessart
Mountains in central Germany. When the staff had grown to three thousand
men, the Bureau Gehlen opened a closely guarded twenty-five-acre
compound near Pullach, south of Munich, operating under the innocent
name of the South German Industrial Development Organization. . . . 

"Within a few years the Gehlen apparatus had grown by leaps and bounds.
In the early fifties it was estimated that the organization employed up
to 4,000 intelligence specialists in Germany, mainly former army and SS
officers, and that more than 4,000 V-men (undercover agents) were active
throughout the Soviet-bloc countries. Gehlen's spy network stretches
from Korea to Cairo, from Siberia to Santiago de Chile. . . . When the
Federal Republic [of West Germany] became a sovereign state in 1955, the
Bureau Gehlen was openly recognized as the official intelligence arm of
the Bonn government." (19) 

How important was the Gehlen Org, as it became known, to the history of
the Cold War? Simpson's research documents that it was perhaps the most
significant element of all:

     ".  .  .  .  The Org became the most important eyes and ears for
     U.S. intelligence inside the closed societies of the Soviet bloc.
     'In 1946 [U.S.] intelligence files on the Soviet Union were
     virtually empty,' says Harry Rositzke, the CIA's former chief of
     espionage inside the Soviet Union.  '.  .  .  .  Rositzke worked
     closely with Gehlen during the formative years of the CIA and
     credits Gehlen's organization with playing a "primary role" in
     filling the empty file folders during that period.  .  .  .'
     
     "'Gehlen had to make his money by creating a threat that we were
     afraid of,' says Victor Marchetti, formerly the CIA's chief analyst
     of Soviet strategic war plans and capabilities, 'so we would give
     him more money to tell us about it.'  He continues: 'In my opinion,
     the Gehlen Organization provided nothing worthwhile for the
     understanding or estimating Soviet military or political
     capabilities in Eastern Europe or anywhere else.'  Employing Gehlen
     was 'a waste of time, money, and effort, except that maybe he had
     some CI [counter- intelligence] value, because practically
     everybody in his organization was sucking off both tits.'" (20)

By 'sucking off both tits' Marchetti is referring to the fact that
Gehlen's elaborate operation was penetrated by Soviet spies at the very
time it was our most important source of intelligence upon which the
Cold War was based. In fact, the Communists had infiltrated Nazi
intelligence long before Gehlen switched sides. 

TRIPLE CROSS 

"In each generation," write Aarons and Loftus,"Soviet intelligence
created 'anti-Communist' emigre front groups, ostensibly to foment
revolution and topple Bolshevism. The front groups attracted support
from the West. Considerable financial assistance was supplied and close
ties forged with various Western intelligence services. This enabled the
Communist double agents running the front groups to co-opt the
legitimate emigre opposition, splinter their leadership and provoke them
into premature and poorly organized rebellions which were easily
defeated. More importantly, the false front groups were a vehicle for
long-term Soviet penetration of Western society. . . ." 

The authors identify one of these groups as the Narodny Trudovoi Soyuz
(NTS), or the People's Labour Alliance. The NTS represented itself as a
group of anti-communist "moles" inside the Kremlin and, in the 1920s,
recruited a Communist agent named Prince Anton Vasilevich Turkel.
Turkel, who actually worked for Soviet Military intelligence (GRU), went
on to penetrate French, Japanese, Italian, British, German, and even the
Vatican intelligence services before the end of World War II. 

"After World War II, Turkel worked for West German intelligence (the
Gehlen Org), collaborated with many of the spy services of NATO,
including the American Military Intelligence Service (MIS - for
offensive intelligence), the US Army Counter Intelligence Corps (CIC -
for defensive purposes), the ultra-secret State Department Office of
Policy Co-ordination and the Central Intelligence Agency. . ." (21) 

"Just before World War II began," according to the authors, "an Austrian
Jew named Richard Kauder created a secret intelligence network, code
named MAX." Kauder, using the name of [Max] Klatt - Turkel's
intelligence chief ["Unholy Trinity," Aarons and Loftus, p. 166] -
"worked exclusively for Admiral Wilhelm Canaris, the German spy chief
who collaborated with the Vatican and the British to topple Hitler
during the war [the group known as the Black Orchestra]." 

The Nazis thought the Max network was made up of "so-called Fascist
Jews" who "were willing to spy against the Soviet Union, not for the
glory of the Third Reich but to save themselves and their families from
the concentration camps." The Max network was supposed to have had "the
only communication link to a secret network of 'White' Russian Fascists
inside the Kremlin [Turkel's NTS], who had supposedly infiltrated
Stalin's military headquarters prior to World War II." But, the authors
continue, "the Max network was not made up of Fascist Jews. They were,
in fact, Communist Jews who risked their lives inside the heart of the
Third Reich's intelligence service." 

The Max network actually misled the Nazis, feeding them false
intelligence on the capabilities and intentions of the Soviet Union,
leading "the Nazi divisions into a series of death traps on the Eastern
front." The Max double-agents were responsible for the Nazis defeats at
Stalingrad, "the giant battle of Kursk where Hitler's tank divisions
were slaughtered. The final sting," continue the authors, "was to
mislead Germany into believing that the Red army was on the verge of
collapse in 1944, when in fact the Soviets were preparing for the most
massive onslaught of the war. 

"It would not be an exaggeration to say that the 'Fascist Jews' of the
Max network did more to defeat the German army than all the Western
intelligence services combined. Seventy percent of all Hitler's
divisions were destroyed on the Eastern front, largely as a result of
the misleading intelligence supplied by Max." (22) 

When Gehlen was recruited by the United States, Allen Dulles ordered the
ex-Nazi spymaster to "revive the Max network." Gehlen already had plans
to do just that, intending "to make Turkel's Max network the centerpiece
of his new West German intelligence agency. As soon as a Republican
president was elected in the United States, Dulles intended to take over
the CIA and make Gehlen and Turkel the heart of his anti-Soviet network.
The Soviets, of course, were delighted as they watched Dulles and Gehlen
attempt to plant a Communist spy ring in the heart of Western
intelligence. . . .

     ".  .  .  [E]ventually, in 1956, the Allies decided that the whole
     thing had been a giant Soviet-controlled operation.  Dozens of
     operations, hundreds of agents, thousands of innocent civilians had
     been betrayed.  .  .  .
     
     ".  .  .  [T]hree years after Dulles became head of CIA in 1953,
     his pet 'Fascist,' Turkel, broadcast the CIA codes to start the
     Hungarian uprising prematurely.  Thousands of innocent Hungarians
     rushed on to the streets of Budapest to start the revolution.
     Instead of American paratroopers dropping supplies, they found
     Soviet tanks waiting in the suburbs."

By 1959, the collapse of Dulles's spy network was almost total: "U.S.
Military Intelligence admitted to the National Security Council that it
did not have a single network of couriers or safe houses left in
Communist territory, apart from East Germany. Dulles's Nazi 'freedom
fighters' had sold him out." (23) 


COLD WARRIORS 

It was Harry Rositze who best described the attitude of the United
States military-intelligence establishment after the end of World War
II: "Any bastard as long as he was anti-Communist." Rositze, the "former
head of secret operations inside the USSR" for the CIA, was correct.
(24) 

We have seen that many Nazis - including those who committed atrocities
- returned to positions of power and influence inside Germany after the
war. Unknown until fairly recently was the extent of Nazi recruitment by
U.S. intelligence agencies and political organizations, in the 1940s and
1950s. Perhaps the most publicized program of Nazi recruitment is that
of Project Paperclip, which involved the collection of Nazi rocket
scientists and facilities, all of which were later incorporated into the
U.S. Space Program. Klaus Barbie's employment by the U.S. State
Department in the 1940s is another well-known incident. Barbie, head of
the Gestapo in Lyons, France, was known as the "Butcher of Lyons" and
was sought by the French Government for atrocities committed against
French Resistance fighters captured by the Nazis. Barbie was recruited
as a U.S. intelligence "asset" in 1947 by one branch of the State
Department's Counter-intelligence Corps (CIC), while another branch, the
Operation Selection Board, a joint U.S./British project, was trying to
put him in prison for war crimes. 

Eventually, according to Aarons and Loftus, "Barbie's employment (and
protection) by the Americans began to reach French newspapers and
politicians at least as early as 1948. They, in turn brought increasing
pressure on the U.S. government through publicity and eventually through
official notes requesting Barbie's extradition from Germany. That, in
the final analysis, is why the CIC chose to provide Barbie with a new
identity and safe passage to Argentina in 1951, while thousands of other
ex-Nazis who had been 'of interest' to the CIC at one time or another
have simply lived out their lives in Germany. If the CIC had dumped
Barbie when the French government began requesting his extradition, he
would have had plenty of compromising things to say about the CIC. . ."
(25) 

But when Barbie was eventually captured by Bolivian authorities in the
early 1980s, and returned to France to face charges of war crimes, the
U.S. government was forced to conduct an investigation into the Barbie
affair. The official position? ". . . [T]his investigation concluded
that the United States had indeed protected Barbie in Europe and
engineered his escape but that Barbie was the only such Nazi who had
been assisted in this fashion." (26) 

As documented previously, this statement was false. Hundreds, perhaps
thousands, of Nazis were employed by the several U.S. agencies, from the
CIC to the CIA, and used in covert operations overseas, as our first
line of defense against Communism. Others, equally as guilty of wartime
atrocities, were brought into the United States for domestic political
purposes. This aspect of the U.S.-Nazi connection is well-documented,
and deserves closer attention by the mainstream press. 

One of the first researchers to reveal the connections between the U.S.
government and the Nazis, was a lady named Mae Brussell of Carmel,
California. Her career as a conspiracy researcher and host of the weekly
radio program "World Watchers International" began with the Kennedy
assassination. "In ferreting out every morsel from the Warren Report,"
writes Jonathan Vankin, author of the book "Conspiracies, Cover-ups and
Crimes," "supplementing her research with untold amounts of reading from
the 'New York Times' to 'Soldier of Fortune,' Brussell discovered not
merely a conspiracy of a few renegade CIA agents, Mafiosi, and Castro
haters behind Kennedy's death, but a vast, invisible institutional
structure layered into the very fabric of the U.S. political system.

     "Comprising the government within a government were not just spies,
     gangsters, and Cubans, but Nazis.  Mae found that many of the
     commission witnesses -- whose testimony established Oswald as a
     lone nut' -- had never even spoken to Oswald, or knew him only
     slightly.  The bulk of them were White Russian emigres living in
     Dallas.  Extreme in their anti-Communism, they were often
     affiliated with groups set up by the SS in World War II -- Eastern
     European ethnic armies used by the Nazis to carry out their
     dirtiest work.
     
     "Brussell also discovered an episode from history rarely reported
     in the media, and not often taught in universities.  Those same
     collaborationist groups were absorbed by United States intelligence
     agencies.  They hooked up with the spy net of German General
     Reinhard Gehlen, Hitler's Eastern Front espionage chief."

"'This is a story of how key Nazis . . . anticipated military disaster
and laid plans to transplant nazism, intact but disguised, in havens in
the West,' wrote Mae Brussell in 1983. She didn't author too many
articles, but this one, 'The Nazi Connection to the John F. Kennedy
Assassination' (in 'The Rebel,' a short-lived political magazine
published by 'Hustler' impresario Larry Flynt), was definitive, albeit
convoluted. 

"'It is a story that climaxes in Dallas on November 22, 1963, when John
Kennedy was struck down,' Brussell's article continued. 'And it is a
story with an aftermath -- America's slide to the brink of Fascism.'" 

Mae Brussell quit broadcasting her radio show in Spring of 1988, after
receiving a death threat from a "man who is said to have identified
himself as 'a fascist and proud of it.'" 

The last project she worked on, before her death from cancer on October
3, 1988, writes the author, "was a study of Satanic cults -- within the
U.S. military. The hidden fascist oligarchy had progressed far beyond
the need for patsies like Oswald. They were now able, Brussell asserted,
to hypnotically program assassins. 

"Satanic cults are the state of the art in brainwashing. With drugs,
sex, and violence, they strip any semblance of moral thought. They are
perfect for use in creating killers. The United States military,
Brussell found, was using them." (27) 



--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

NOTES: THE NEW WORLD (DIS)ORDER

1. One Thousand Americans, George Seldes, p.  5-6

2. The Secret War Against the Jews, Loftus and Aarons, p.  71

3. Ibid., pp.  73-74

4. Ibid., pp.  75-76

5. Ibid., p.  77

6. Ibid., p.  78

7. Ibid., pp.  79-80

8. Ibid., pp.  82-83

9. Ibid., pp.  84-85

10. Ibid., pp.  85-86

11. Tragedy and Hope, Prof.  Carrol Quigley, p.  827

12. Secret War Against the Jews, pp.  100-102

13. The American Establishment, Leonard and Mark Silk, p.  249

14. The New Germany and the Old Nazis, T.H. Tetens, pp.  99-102

15. Blowback: America's recruitment of Nazis and its effects on the Cold
    War, Christopher Simpson, pp.  191-192

16. The New Germany and the Old Nazis, p.  103

17. Ibid., pp.  112-113

18. Blowback, pp.  40-41

19. The New Germany and the Old Nazis, pp.  42-43

20. Blowback, pp.  54-55

21. Unholy Trinity, Mark Aarons and John Loftus, pp.  151-152

22. The Secret War Against the Jews, pp.  135-136

23. Ibid., pp.  151-152

24. Blowback, p.  159

25. Ibid., pp.  187-189

26. Ibid., pp.  192-193

27. Conspiracies, Cover-ups and Crimes, Jonathan Vankin, pp.  101-104

